Spain’s year of miracles

For the last ten days I’ve been leading walking groups around the fabulously beautiful mountains of northern Majorca.  This is only my second visit to the island  since I came here in 1992, when I was still living in Barcelona.

For Spain -and Europe, 1992 was a year in which the ‘end of history’ narratives that followed the end of the Cold War were  at their peak.  It was a year in which the  implosion of Soviet power was accompanied by the belief that there were no longer any obstacles to the free movement of capital across a ‘borderless world’, in which the signing of the Maastricht Treaty and the reunification of Germany seemed to herald the advent of a new European superpower, with democracy, human rights and free markets as its defining components.

It was also a year in which Spain received an unusual level of media attention that  confirmed its transformation from dictatorship to democracy and its full reincorporation into the European cultural and political mainstream.

This was mainly due to some high-profile events such as the Barcelona Olympic Games – a huge success for Spain and particularly for Catalonia – and the Seville Expo.   In addition 1992 was the quincentennial of Columbus’s ‘discovery’ of the Americas, an event which lent itself easily to the prevailing triumphalism of the political and financial elites that were shaping post-Cold War Europe.

In that miraculous year pageantry generally took precedence over historical honesty – especially in connection to the traumatic  consequences of what was discreetly referred to as Columbus’ ‘encounter’ for the people he ‘discovered’.

Genocide, massacres, the violent rapacity of the conquistadors, the slave trade, the expulsion of the Jews and Moriscos: all these episodes tended to be ignored or marginalized as writers and politicians celebrated Columbus as a pioneer of globalization and a herald of the media age – as the former head of the Prisa media group Jesus de Polanco fatuously described him.

The celebration of the past coincided with a period in which Spain was awash with money, when Spanish companies like Repsol and Telefonica were re-investing in Latin American economies that had been prised open to foreign capital and privatisation drives by a succession of  neoliberal governments.

So for Spanish and European politicians therefore, 1992 was a year or promise and achievement in which things really looked as if they could only get better.  Of course, there were shadows hovering over this bright panorama – to those who wanted to look.

There was the beginning of the siege of Sarajevo; the neo-Nazi assault on immigrants and asylum seekers; the first seeds of mafia capitalism in the former Soviet Union, the speculative assaults on national currencies that reached a peak in ‘Black Wednesday’ in September that year, which revealed the inherent instability of a deregulated financial system that was vulnerable to speculative frenzies of the kind we have all  become so familiar with.

I remember following that episode from Formentera, and taking some relish at the  Major government’s inability do anything about it and thinking that at last the Tory years might be coming to an end.

Now twenty years later,  I’m back in the Balearics again, watching the European dream unravelled by greed, political incompetence and market-driven cruelty.  Here in Spain, the Rajoy government has just announced the biggest budget cuts since Spain’s transition to democracy.

The Spanish banking system is tottering on the brink of collapse.  Repsol has been kicked out of Argentina.  There are leftist or centre-left governments throughout Latin America that have explicitly rejected the neoliberal model that once seemed so irresistible in 1992.

This year there is no triumphalism in Spain, just the daily announcement of new cuts and new examples of the staggering waste and corruption that was allowed to flourish during the last two decades.

Take the Hospital San Pau in Barcelona, where we used to take my daughter when she was ill, which has just gone into administration.   Last week, the trust that ran the hospital were charged with misappropriation of funds on a massive scale, that included paying its members bonuses and  inflated salaries for no-bid research projects, and in one case paying a former director of the hospital a salary of between 80,000 to 110, 000 euros for seven years after he lost his job.

Or the ridiculous Parque Europa theme park in Torrejón de Ardoz near Madrid.  Financed by the local Partido Popular party, which is now administering Spain’s austerity budget, the park contains 16 of Europe’s most prominent landmarks, including Tower Bridge and the Brandenburg gate.

But the water in its boating lake was not oxygenated, and is now dank and stagnant, and the town is now 70 million euros in debt because of it. In this respect it is perhaps more symbolic than it ever intended to be.  Because this was the kind of society that Spain became over the last two decades, a country run by spivs and crooks whose single objective was to get rich as quickly as possible -by whatever means it took.

Twenty years is a short time in historical terms, but with every day that passes the assumptions and expectations that once accompanied Spain’s annus mirabilis have been revealed as fantasies, delusions and shallow media chatter, that heralded not the beginning of a new era of greatness, but an age of limitless greed whose chickens are now coming home to roost.

 

 

 

 

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Guest post: Justice for Sujata

The rape and murder of an 11-year-old girl in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) of Bangladesh has cast a grim light on a tragedy that has previously received little attention from the outside world – the culture of impunity that surrounds crimes of sexual violence inflicted on indigenous women and minors by Bengali settlers, which include  rape, murder, sexual assault, trafficking and abduction.  

The following post is written by a former aid worker in the CHT:

On 9 May 2012 an 11 year old girl named Sujata Chakma was raped and hacked to death with a machete in the Bangladesh Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT). The culprit was identified almost immediately as a 30 year old Bengali named Mohammed Ibrahim.

Ibrahim had good reason to believe that he would be able to act with impunity. Sujata Chakma was an indigenous Jumma, one of 11 indigenous groups who were once the majority population in the area until the 1970s,  when the Bangladesh government starting moving Bengalis there.

In 1947 less than 2% of the population were Bengali.  Today the proportion is approximately 50 percent.    The culprit´s family originally came from Jessore, and had recently been moved to the CHT as part of an ongoing government resettlement project for landless Bengalis.

His crime was not an isolated incident. According to a UN report Bengali settlers carried out acts of sexual violence against 66 indigenous women and minors, including a three and a half year old child, between 2007 and February 2012, six of which were murders.

Not a single one of these cases has resulted in a conviction, except for the court martial of some military personnel – who are often involved in such episodes –  more than ten years ago.

Assuming this case does get to court therefore, Ibrahim will be provided with a large, well-funded defense team and has good reason to believe that he may walk free.   In June last year Ibrahim was arrested and charged with the rape of a 15 year old Jumma girl.   He was eventually acquited after an appeal to a higher court. It is not known why this appeal was seen as appropriate or who funded it.

Land is at the root issue of the institutionalised injustice in the CHT.  Most sexual crimes of this nature have taken place in areas where disputes over land ownership between Bengalis and the CHT indigenous population are particularly fierce.

What generally happens is that settlers are brought to a piece of land in busses during the night, under the protection of security personnel. The local community may well have farmed the land for hundreds of years, only to be gradually displaced by Bengali settlements.

The legal processes that determine land ownership are circumvented by various means, so Bengalis may find themselves living next to next to a resentful indigenous community.

Sujata was a victim of the next stage of the settlement process. The local women of the CHT are permitted greater freedom than the women of most of south Asia. They do not have to cover themselves and can confidently take a full part in community life.

The Bengalis often misinterpret such openness and Bengali men tend to regard indigenous women as sinful – and worthless.

The word used in Bengali to describe Indigenous people (“upajati”) also means “sub-human”, and Ibrahim´s crime was one more product of a generalised sense of superiority and entitlement shared by many settlers.

The Bangladeshi government has generally preferred to conceal or cover-up such incidents whenever they happen. On 30th July 2011 there was a triple murder and the attempted rape of a 13-year-old Marma girl in a village  near Bandarban.

The  area was immediately cut off and I myself was held in a police station on spurious grounds.

In 1992 settlers tried to rape a group of indigenous women herding cows. The women fought off the settlers and one died of his injuries. In revenge settlers and security forces massacred 1,200 villagers and burnt the village. Within days the security forces built new homes to cover the evidence.

The CHT is now virtually closed to foreigners. All foreign visitors have to apply for permission to enter the area and are escorted. Foreigners have been expelled from the area for talking to indigenous people without prior arrangement.

But Sujata’s brutal death has generated an unusual level of disgust and international concern, which is partly due to the horrific and widely circulated photographs of the victim.

A demonstration took place in Dhaka on 12th May to increase awareness about these crimes,  and a campaign has begun to gather ground to ensure that this time,  the murder of an indigenous ´sub-human´ does not go unpunished.

Further details on this and other recent incidents are available from the Indigenous People´s of Bangladesh group – kapaeeng.org.

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The Ambiguous Terrorist

US intelligence agencies and national security analysts are reportedly furious at the leaked revelations about the latest Al Qaeda ‘underwear bomb’ plot, and some have laid the blame on the Obama administration for supposedly seeking to gain political advantage from it.

These allegations may well be true,  and the current US government would certainly not be the first to attempt to reap political rewards through thwarted bomb outrages at politically opportune moments – regardless of how feasible or viable such plots may have been.  Nor would it be the first time that alleged bomb plots and atrocities have turned out to be the work of agent provocateurs and informants.

The anger emanating from the US security/intelligence establishment concerns the damage wrought by these revelations to what it regards as a successful sting operation.   But such operations also raise broader questions about the use of such intelligence assets in the ‘Global War on Terror’.

When the story first broke at the beginning of the week, it immediately slotted into the usual media and political narratives that accompany such events, of security services struggling valiantly against an utterly evil enemy that menaces us all – not only our lives but our ‘values’ and ‘our way of life.’

Thus Hilary Clinton cited the plot as evidence that ‘terrorists keep trying more terrible and perverse ways to kill’.   Since then the would-be Al Qaeda operative with non-metallic explosives in his underwear has been variously described as a CIA/ M16/Saudi agent with Saudi/Yemeni nationality and a UK passport.

Whoever this anonymous operative was working for, it is not clear whether this ‘perverse’ plot was instigated and proposed by the person concerned, or whether he was selected by ‘Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula’ for a mission that had already been decided.   Would it have taken place without his input, or was the involvement of an agent provocateur the decisive factor in bringing it to fruition?

These questions are not only relevant to the latest underpants bomber. They could also apply to a number of the thwarted plots and terrorist episodes of the last decade or so, which have involved individuals with obscure connections to governments and intelligence agencies.

Even the New York Times admitted last month that numerous recent ´foiled´ terrorist plots had been instigated and/or brought t0 fruition by FBI informants or  provocateurs, who suggested and developed plots and even supplied the weapons used to carry them out.

Governments have always relied on informants in attempting to penetrate and unravel clandestine organizations engaged in campaigns of violence against them.  But there is a blurry line between informants who provide information on already-existing plots, and agents provocateurs who engage in entrapment and end up manufacturing plots.

Not only do such plots make it difficult to determine how real the threat actually is, but they can also involve intelligence ‘assets’ who may have their own agendas. The vicious murder spree carried out by Mohammed Merah  in Toulouse last March may have been on example of this tendency.

Merah appears to have had connections to western intelligence agencies that enabled him to travel to Israel and Afghanistan on more than one occasion, and which may have enabled him  to arm himself to the teeth and carry out one murder after another without anyone thinking – or bothering -to check up on him.

Those who like their conspiracies served neat would argue that all these episodes are part of a terrorshow manufactured by obscure elements within Western states in order to terrify the population/justify foreign wars/ resource grabs and pave the way for some kind of national security dictatorship.

That governments have exploited or attempted to exploit the current terrorist emergency for political purposes that have nothing to do with protecting the public is indisputable. But throughout the relatively brief historical trajectory of  terrorism, there has often been a murky netherworld, where the state and its terrorist opponents overlap in ways that are not always clear or entirely logical.

During the so-called ‘anarchist terror’ of the lat nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, a number of assassinations and bomb outrages involved provocateurs and informants of ambiguous motivations.

In pre-revolutionary Russia, the most notorious example of this tendency was Yevno Azef, the head of the Socialist Revolutionary (SR) Combat Squad, which carried out numerous high-profile assassination of Tsarist state officials, many of them planned by Azef himself.

Throughout this process Azef was working for the Russian secret police, the Okrana, and was giving information to them about his own comrades – a revelation that stunned the revolutionary demi-monde when it was eventually revealed in 1909.

This revelation was a huge blow to the political prestige that the SRs extracted from their terrorist coups, but it didn’t mean that the entire combat squad was a police front.

Azev’s dual role as police agent/terrorist organizer reflected a recurring tendency that it is equally applicable to our own era, in which the boundaries between intelligence gathering and complicity are crossed and it is not always clear whose agenda informants are actually serving.

In some cases police or security forces may be willing to foment certain acts of violence or even allow them to take place in the hope of making bigger intelligence gains in the long run -or simply because it may be politically useful and convenient to do so in the short term.

Within this twilight zone,  it is not at all outlandish to find individuals who are able to serve more than one master, sometimes at the same time, especially since neither the state nor its opponents are always as competent and in command of events as they sometimes like to appear – or are assumed to be.

I suspect that something similar has been taking place in the ‘terrorwars’ of our own era, and that is why the underpants bomber may not be the last ‘terrorist’ who was not really a terrorist after all

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Spain’s surplus people

In our era of no-choice austerity, we are often told that politicians are obliged to make tough decisions, but some governments are setting new standards in callousness and inhumanity in their attempts to put their country’s finances in order.

Take the decision by the Spanish government to deny medical treatment to ‘illegal’ immigrants.

Under the new law, which comes into force in September, immigrants without residence papers and work permits will no longer receive medical treatment, except in emergency cases.

The main reason for this disgraceful decision, as always, is financial: the ruling Partido Popular believes that  the state will be able to save between 500 to 1,000 million euros per year by  denying medical treatment to an estimated 153,000 foreigners  who it believes are not entitled to by virtue of their illegality.

From September onwards, immigrants ‘non-registered or not authorized as residents in Spain’ will be left without a public health card, and will be forced to rely on medical treatment from charities and NGOs.  This legislation is part of a series of austerity-driven adjustments to the Spanish national health system, which includes new charges on medicines and drugs.

Within this context, there is a strong element of crowd-pleasing populism in the PP’s exclusion of  the country’s sin papeles (those without papers) from universal health benefits.

Before the crisis, many employers made use of the constant pool of legal and illegal immigrant workers who came to Spain to work in services, agriculture and the construction industry, or as maids and domestic servants in middle and upper class households.

Now Spain’s economy is crumbling by the day, and illegal immigrants are a  surplus population at the bottom layer of Spain’s tottering  pyramid – and an easy target for a government looking to balance its budget through whatever means it can find.

Even though the law has not yet come into force, there have already been some bleak examples of what these distinctions between legal and illegal can mean.  In Valencia, last week a Chinese sin papel named Ladi Fan was charged by a local hospital for a life-saving operation that she received last year.

Ms Fan was diagnosed with rectal cancer in December  and the subsequent operation successful removed the tumor.   But last week she received a bill for the very precise sum of 20.797, 39 euros from the regional government of Valencia for the treatment she received.

It would be interesting to know how the hospital reached such a precise calculation of how much Fan’s life was worth – since this is in fact what these mathematics are ultimately referring to.

Even more to the point, it would be interesting to know how the hospital concerned thought that an unemployed migrant without papers in a civil partnership with an unemployed Spanish waiter could pay such a sum.  Had it not been for her partner, who gave his own name and address and signed the papers enabling her treatment, she might not have received any treatment at all.

A local health centre has managed to register Fan so that she does not have to pay the 90 euros a week for an ileostomy bottle, even though she has no permit of resisdence.  In September, she could lose that too.

To its credit the Catalan health services have refused to implement this law, on the grounds of solidarity and public health.   But the implicit message in the new legislation is that the lives of illegal migrants are worth less than others, and that financial calculations have entirely taken place over elementary human considerations.

This philosophy is not unique to Spain.  In the UK in 2008 the Labour government deported the Ghanian woman Ama Sumani who was on lifesaving dialysis treatment, because she had overstayed her visa.  Sumani died soon afterwards. Last year, the Home Office came very close to deporting Rania Abdechakour, a five-year-old quadriplegic with cerebral palsy back to her native Algeria.

Now UKBA is currently seeking to deport Roseline Akhalu, a Nigerian student who overstayed her visa and is receiving lifesaving immunosuppresant drugs for kidney failure that are not available in Nigeria.

In countries where cuts are being inflicted on the whole population, decisions like these reflect a new determination to enforce the distinction between legal and illegal people, national citizens and foreigners, that is leading to a generalised race to the bottom.

Governments may think such decisions are a sign of  toughness and rigour, and they will always please those who regard immigrants – whether legal or not – as unworthy intruders, parasites and ‘ health tourists’.  But to deny medical treatment to people who need it because of their immigration status is another sign of how barbarous even supposedly civilised societies can become,  when crucial matters of life and death are reduced to how much things cost, and how much – or how little – some people’s lives are worth.

 

 

 

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