Notes From the Margins…

A Plague of Violent Cops

  • December 05, 2014
  • by

Policemen have long been a indispensable feature of popular entertainment.   Today, cops and detectives pour through our cinemas and tv screens in an endless stream, and tv cop dramas and police procedurals routinely take their viewer into  dark and dangerous places that other dramas cannot reach.

The stories they tell are not pretty, and cop shows have got grimmer and bleaker because society has got grimmer and bleaker.

This tendency was already visible in the crime-obsessed 70s, when Dirty Harry Callaghan’s Magnum was the only thing defending ordinary decent folk from an army of degenerate hoodlums and the flaccid and morally corrupt liberals who wanted to ‘understand’ crime when it was obvious – to Harry Callaghan at least – that criminals needed to be blown away.

What once seemed a cultural novelty has now become a dramatic cliché.   We have got used to seeing cops as violent antiheroes, who bend and sometimes break the law for the greater good, who work in lawless spaces where no one is good or moral, and where those who enforce the law are often indistinguishable from those who break it.

The horrifying video footage of Eric Garner’s death and the barely-credible acquital of the man who choked him to death on a New York pavement in broad daylight belongs to a phenomenon of unrestrained and unaccountable police violence that rarely features in cop show entertainment, and which has become terrifyingly prevalent in recent years.

Once again, this isn’t entirely new.   In America,   white police have killed young black men and got away with it for years.   But a weekly and sometimes daily stream of everyday police atrocities suggests that police officers are now able to attack, brutalize and kill anybody, and a succession of acquittals and dubious verdicts makes it clear that when they do there is very little possibility that they will be charged or punished with any offence.

The failure to bring charges against the cop who killed Ian Tomlinson makes it clear that such behavior is not unique to the US, and that it is not necessarily a consequence of racist policing.

Google ‘police shoot protester’ and you will soon find yourself traveling across the world, to Barcelona, South Africa, Genoa, Kiev or any number of places.   Type in ‘police prosecuted for killing unarmed man’ or ‘police prosecuted for beating protester’ and the list rapidly diminishes.

This willingness to use excessive and often lethal force clearly isn’t due to a sudden influx of bullies, sadists and psychopaths into police forces across the world.     What we are witnessing is a new kind of policing that has been unleashed in response to a new social and political context.

On the one hand there is the impact of the war on terror, which has given policing a new national security and counterterrorist rationale that makes it possible to interpret a whole range of activities as potential security threats requiring the use of overwhelming force.

These tendencies have been exacerbated by the conveyor belt of technology, practice and ideology that connects war and law enforcement, which has led the police to regard even peaceful protesters as ‘the enemy’.  Tooled up with armoured cars and ‘non-lethal’ weaponry, some police officers treat ‘illegal immigrants’ and drug dealers in much the same way as the US Army once dealt with Iraqi ‘insurgents.’

In the name of counterterrorism, police in the UK are similarly able to define protesters as potential security threats.

Today police officers can photograph demonstrators whatever the reason for the protest,   but demonstrators who photograph police beating people up can expect to have their cameras confiscated or smashed, because the state can look at the public, but the public cannot look at the state.

Counterterrorism is itself a product of ‘risk averse’ governance, in which governments are continually braced for the worst possibility, and use these possibilities to terrify their populations into turning a blind eye to the brutality and thuggery of the police who supposedly serve and protect it.

These expectations make it possible for ‘counterterrorist’ police to shoot an unarmed Brazilian electrician seven times in the head without even asking him to surrender or put his hands up in the name of public safety.

You might think that police officers charged with protecting the public are obliged to accept a certain amount of risk,   but in our never-ending emergency cops are now able to transfer all risk to the person they decide to shoot, and ask questions afterwards.

Risk aversion doesn’t only apply to terrorism.  As governments and global elites abandon even the most vestigual commitment to social justice and equality,   paring the ‘enabling state’ to its bare bones and pauperising their populations, the police have become an essential tool for managing the consequences.

In Ferguson and other US cities, mostly white police patrol black neighborhoods that have been allowed to fall through the social floor, and send in an army of cop-soldiers to repel and crush those who protest the inevitable abuses that follow.

The police thuggery during the Occupy protests in New York; the bullying violence and extra-legal ‘kettling’ of the 2010 student protests in the UK; the Spanish use of rubber bullets against peaceful protesters at anti-austerity protests – all these events are a logical consequence of the social order that is now under construction, in which the state is stripped of everything except its capacity for repression and its monopoly of violence.

In the UK a government intent on privatizing university education and turning universities into corporations does not want students sit ins in libraries.   This is why even schoolkids were held in extra-legal ‘kettles’ for hours in 2010.   It’s why the police attacked the Senate House occupation last year, and why they attacked students at Warwick university this week with tasers and CS gas.

The police do this because they have been told to do it.    Too many of them think they can get away with anything, and the evidence of the last few years suggests that they are right.

Police accountability requires a shift away from the police to the public that they supposedly serve, and the restoration of justice as a universal principle from which no one is immune or exempt.

Only then will men like Darren Wilson, Daniel Pantaleo, and Simon Harwood discover  that their profession does not give them the right to beat people up or kill them, and that whatever Dirty Harry might say, enforcing the law doesn’t give them the right to break it.


You may also Like


  1. Nigel Baldwin

    5th Dec 2014 - 7:16 pm

    Not too much more of the present trend, and I fear that the Police will have gone from being the representatives of legitimate authority to legitimate targets. The activities of the constabulary in Ireland, from the Black & Tans to the “B Specials” gave false legitimacy to the murderous activities of the Provisional IRA.

  2. Andy

    6th Dec 2014 - 1:42 pm

    A Guardian report by Caroline Davies in 2010 should be shocking to us all but sadly, I don’t think most people are aware of these statistics. ‘Deaths in police custody since 1998: 333; officers convicted: none’ . Without looking at the data closely, I have no idea how many instances involved people with serious psychological problems and I don’t deny that these are very difficult to deal with. However, the Christopher Alder case should have been a tipping point so far as police accountability is concerned. What happened to Mr Alder shows what we really think of veterans of our armed forces. Where had all the poppy police gone to when this man’s family needed them? The details of this case and how he was treated by Hull police are truly awful and no one was ever brought to justice. Would there have been more chance of justice if Mr Alder had been a decorated veteran who fought for this country and had white skin? I’d like to think not but ‘we’ British are remarkably good at burying our heads as much as the BBC can bury unwanted stories ….Or at least the critical details of those stories.

Leave a reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

This site uses Akismet to reduce spam. Learn how your comment data is processed.

About Me

I’m a writer, campaigner and journalist.  My latest book is The Savage Frontier: The Pyrenees in History and the Imagination (New Press/Hurst, 2018).  The Infernal Machine is where I write on politics, history, cinema and other things that interest me.

Subscribe to Blog via Email

Enter your email address to subscribe to this blog and receive notifications of new posts by email.


  • No events

Recent Comments